India and St. Ignatius: Part II

Source: District of Asia

The Works of the Ministry

To the great variety of the people among whom Xavier and his companions came to do the work of the nascent Society answers an equally wide range of ministerial activities. Many were common to the Jesuit ministry in India and Europe, particularly the apostolate in the Portuguese Christian community and also, to some extent, the work in the schools and colleges. But many were new, namely, the spiritual care of the converts from paganism and the work of conversion itself. These required new and daring initiatives and directives which the Fathers were not slow in taking and asking while St. Ignatius was ready or cautious, according to the case, in approving and granting. From the letters he received from India St. Ignatius could get a graphic picture which contains lessons for the Jesuit ministry, the missionary apostolate in particular, even today.

Among the Portuguese Christian Community

St. Francis Xavier's first months in Goa were spent in the ministry to the Portuguese Christian community. He reports on it in his letter of September 20, 1542: spiritual, ministry to the sick in the hospital; to the prisoners in jail whom he prepares to make a general confession; teaching the prayers, the Creed and the Commandments to the children in the different churches of the town; preaching on Sundays and feast days, teaching the prayers to the people: the Our Father, the Hail Mary, the Creed and the commandments—exactly the program of his little catechism.1  This program of instruction may seem to be very elementary but it shows the crying need. Xavier would repeatedly insist on this point, contained in the Formula Instituti, and he himself was to be a master in catechetics.2

What Xavier did in Goa, other Fathers did after him, both there and in other Portuguese settlements. G. Berze, for example, reports on his preaching, care of the sick and of prisoners, preparation for confessions and similar ministries in Goa.3 And he could sum up the work of Father Anthony de Heredia in Cochin by saying that he was reaping much fruit in the customary exercises of the Society.4

Schools and Colleges

A striking feature of the work of the first Jesuits in India, one of which not only the Portuguese and their descendants hut also the Indian Christians were the beneficiaries, was the care devoted to the education of youth. Providential circumstances, which on the landing of Xavier in Goa in 1542 offered the Society the spiritual and intellectual care of the recently founded College, threw into relief both the importance of the Work and the need of capable educators.5 There is hardly a letter from Goa to Ignatius that fails to report on the College. Xavier himself did so first in a letter of September 20, 1542. He is full of praise for the school buildings and church, for the financial provisions for the maintenance of a hundred students, for the work already done—in six years some three hundred students of various tongues and races passed through it. The College was founded to educate native youths, and send them back to their own homes, there to instruct their own. Xavier had great hopes for the future increase of Christianity which would result. He asked for more capable Fathers, to take care of the spiritual and intellectual formation of the students. They must be in good health and not too old, for there is much other work: confessions, preaching, priest retreats, teaching Scripture and sacramental theology to the clergy.6 Xavier himself was not a man to settle down in a college. But it speaks volumes for his vision as a leader that he saw the need and importance of educational work, and kept this conviction throughout his many travels. His letter of January 12, 1549, pleads for men from Coimbra, so that colleges may be expanded and multiplied for the good of present and future Christians.7

We cannot follow here in detail the growth of the College of Goa which was soon entrusted to the Society, and of its fortunes and misfortunes which the letters of the companions report to St. Ignatius.8 One unhappy episode was the rectorship of Anthony Gomes, who dismissed Indian students to admit only Portuguese—a measure contrary to the very intention of the founders of the College and against which the Fathers do not fail to protest to St. Ignatius.9 This policy was corrected at the instance of the Viceroy himself.10 We need not enter into the problems of policy, reported to St. Ignatius in the absence of Xavier from India; for instance, the question of the separation of Indian and Portuguese boys,11 and of our Scholastics from the college boys.12 What must be noted is the range of educational grades in the College, from elementary classes for learning to read and write, through grammar and the classics to philosophy and theology.13

Besides the College of Goa, which remained the most important educational institution of the early mission, other schools on a smaller scale were opened in 1549 at Cochin, Quilon, and Bassein. The College of Cochin was started by Father Francis Henriquez and counted in 1552 some one hundred and fifty day scholars.14 Of that of Quilon Father Lancillotto was the founder and for many years the Rector.15 It was intended primarily for children of Portuguese colonists but also for Indians.16 At Bassein the College was opened by Father Melchior Gonçalves.17 These schools began with the elementary grades, and taught boys reading, writing and Christian doctrine, as Giles Barreto reports from Bassein.18 St. Ignatius, through Polanco, gave his full approval to this system.19 The institutions were meant for Christians only, and primarily to foster vocations to the priesthood and the Society.

The importance of the education of youth was fully realized not only by St. Francis Xavier and St. Ignatius,20 but also by all the Fathers in India. One proof of this is Father Lancillotto’s letter of November 1548: the care of educating the young is the best means for planting the faith in these regions.21 Father G. Berze also expresses his hope for vocations from the college of Goa.22 Even a jungle missionary like Father H. Henriquez shared this opinion and regretted there was no such institution on the Fishery Coast.23 No wonder then that the Provincial of Portugal, Father J. Miron in his report to St. Ignatius insisted on developing schools in India.24 He must have known of the royal decree by which the Portuguese government wished to entrust to the Society the entire education of youth in India.25 The importance given to educational work, even apart from future vocations to the Society, — a feature in which, according to Father Wicki, the Society in India was ahead of Europe —26 may be one more indication that the Jesuit mission in India was originally not thought of as different from the missions in Europe or elsewhere.

Among New Christians and Non-Christians

It is mainly by work among the converts from paganism that the mission of Xavier and his companions to the East was to develop into the modern foreign, or pagan, mission. Xavier became the Apostle of India because of his work among the non-Christians of the country, mainly among the Paravas of the Fisher Coast and the Macuas of the coastal region of Travancore. Twice he spent a year or so among them an active missionary instructing and baptizing: the first time a few months after his arrival in Goa, from October 1542 to October 1543, and again from early 1544 to December of the same year; moreover, he paid a short visit to the Fishery Coast, to give his directions as superior to the missionaries working there in January and in October 1548.27 What he did during these periods of missionary activity he reported to St. Ignatius in different letters. His letter of October 28,1542, depicts the state of Christianity and his own work during his first stay: he was helped by seminarists from the place; he baptized children in great numbers, taught prayers to children and adults: the Sign' of the Cross, Credo, Pater, Ave; his small catechism he had translated into Tamil; he reports on the conversion of a whole village.28 Another letter of January 1544 speaks of his work of instructing and baptizing on Cape Comorin: Christians are ignorant but are learning the prayers. Creed and Commandments; on Sundays especially he instructs them, both children and adults; the children he sends to say prayers over the sick.29 How many he baptized, Xavier does not say, but Father Schurhammer calculates he must have baptized some 8,000 on the Fishery Coast.30 Xavier’s most famous baptizing expedition took place in his second period of missionary work when he, through favorable circumstances, as he reports in his letter to Rome of January 27, 1545, in one month's time baptized 10,000 converts from the Macua fisher caste in Travancore. He describes his manner of instructing: first he calls the men and boys, then the women and children, and teaches them the Sign of the Cross, the Confiteor, Creed, Commandments, Pater, Ave, Salve Regina; he leaves copies of the prayers and instructs them to say them morning and evening.31 What he had done himself, he consigned to writing in his well-known instructions to the missionaries of the Fishery Coast, after his meeting with them in February 1548. He insists on baptizing infants, instructing children and adults, on Sunday Mass, care for the sick, explanation of the articles of the faith, on peaceful relations with the Portuguese, on not talking unfavorably of the new Christians to the Portuguese, on gaining the affection of the Christians, yet correcting them when needed, etc.32 Of his last visit to the Fishery Coast we may find an echo in his letter of January 12, 1549, when he speaks of the trials and labors of the missionaries there.33 In the same letter he praises the work and method of Father H. Henriquez, a man of great virtue and edification, who speaks and writes Tamil and does the work of two men.33

Father Henriquez's own letters narrate in detail his work on the Fishery Coast. His manner of evangelization may serve as a model of the early pagan mission. A missionary from shortly after his arrival in India in 1546 and, after the death as a martyr of Father Anthony Criminali in 1549,34 Superior of the Fishery Coast missionaries for twenty-five years, he was the best qualified to give St. Ignatius an idea of the work of the missionaries in India. He did so in some seven letters from 1548 to 1555. Several features of his missionary action deserve to be pointed out—besides its spiritual and apostolic inspiration to which not only Xavier bore witness but also others, for instance, Father Lancillotto.35 In the first place we note his knowledge of Tamil in which he achieved such proficiency that he was able to compose a grammar and write pamphlets for the benefit of his Christians and brethren.36 Besides the access this gave him to the faithful, who could speak and write to him in their own tongue,37 and to Hindu writings and legends,38 it enabled him to do full justice to the various tasks of the sacred ministry, particularly, catechizing, preaching and hearing confessions. No wonder he expects his collaborators to learn the language and is happy to report that they are doing so.39 Another feature of his work, inherited from Father Criminali,40 is the use and organization of catechists who teach the prayers, baptize in case of necessity and help the Fathers. He praises their work and its results repeatedly, and notes that in the scarcity of Fathers and Brothers they play an irreplaceable role.41 Others too like Father Lancillotto appreciated and praised this method of missionary work.42 Father Henriquez's assiduity in catechizing and instructing, in teaching the prayers, the faith and the Commandments never diminished; it was part of his daily routine. In most of his reports to St. Ignatius we read about his teaching Christian doctrine to children and adults.43 Another recurring item in his letters is the love, affection and esteem which the Christians have for the missionaries in return for the kindness they show according to Xavier's direction.44 This kindness does not exclude firmness, and, where needed, he corrects either by himself or through the village chiefs.45 Real progress in the Christian manner of life is the happy result.46

The same sympathetic understanding he shows to non-Christians whom he receives and entertains, with whom he discusses the relative merits of their religion and the true faith—he can do so because he knows the language and their religious legends.47 He does so with good results. Once, for instance, he baptised fifty at one time.48 And in addition, Father Henriquez finds time to build churches, to construct a hospital for the sick Paravas, and to think of a kind of retreat house for the Fathers and Brothers.49 Nor does he omit to send promising boys, future helpers of the mission, for further training and study to Quilon or Goa.50 The great handicap of the mission is the scarcity of laborers. His letters clamor for more men, as did those of Xavier.51 “For three years now”, he writes in 1555, “I have been the only priest here, with one companion who is not a priest, for forty villages.”52 In spite of this, the Christians increase in number and quality. They make progress in virtue and edification; they begin to see the errors of paganism and the truth of Christianity.53 If he has to report sad news at times, as the apostasy of a number of Christians in Ceylon,54 he can write in 1552, that the Christians are more than 40,00055 In 1553, Gasper Berze was told their number was 60,000,56 while Lancillotto, in 1555, speaks of 70,000.57 Since Xavier's arrival, therefore, and during St. Ignatius' lifetime, the numbers had been more than doubled, if not trebled.

If the mission of Cape Comorin was the most successful, we should not overlook the conversions among non-Christians elsewhere. In practically all Portuguese settlements, from Goa to Bassein and Quilon, contacts were made and conversions registered.57 In Goa, we hear of a regular catechumenate for men and one for women.58 Special laborers are asked to take care of this special ministry.59 It is difficult to obtain definite figures. Still we may recall Father Schurhammer's calculation of Xavier's baptisms in Portuguese settlements: he puts them at a thousand,30 not all in India proper. And his companions did not fail to carry on the work for which he had shown the way.

Qualifications of Missionaries

To carry on this work, in the supreme need of more helpers, the workers in the field ask for recruits with the highest qualifications. Without exception they require as a first condition solid virtue, love of the Cross and of hard work, unshakable moral integrity and deep spirituality which can remain unaffected by loneliness in the midst of moral and physical dangers. Xavier insisted that only chosen men should be sent.60 Lancillotto, Henriquez, Berze echo his request: let them be men who are prepared for the Cross, men of holy life and great zeal, of solid virtue, humble, trustworthy and hard working, men of prayer.61

But virtue, though the first and chief quality of the missionary, is not sufficient. Xavier, it is true, wrote that for India, in contrast with Japan, little learning but much strength of body and soul were necessary.62 But on this point few if any of his companions saw eye to eye with him. They all clamored for learned, capable missionaries. Criminali asked that many learned man should come.63 So did Lancillotto repeatedly. Indeed, he complained that those sent were incapable; he tried to explain the need for learned men but could not find words to do so—calamo consequi non valeo; men of authority and doctrine, men capable of learning the languages well, intelligent and virtuous men, are needed.64 Gaspar Berze in Goa asked for capable theologians, for masters of arts, for grammarians; he did stress virtue above all, but he also wanted men of letters and talented preachers.65 If Father H. Henriquez rarely spoke of learning as a requirement for the missionaries on Cape Comorin, he did ask that they should be able to learn the language, and expressed the wish that a gifted and capable Father be sent to take the place of Xavier, too often absent from India.66

When we consider the difficulties proposed and the faculties asked, the intricate cases and situations handled among the Portuguese, the new Christians, and the prospective converts, we can understand that a firm grounding in theology was considered a prerequisite, not to mention the special qualifications required of those called to teach the higher branches or to minister to the clergy in Goa. Xavier himself was highly gifted, and as papal legate had many special faculties—the list of them may have been a forerunner to the Formulae Facultatum granted today to ordinaries in mission territories.67 But his companions during his long absences from India needed such faculties also; all the more as opinions differed, for instance, about the censure on trading with non-Christians,68 or the validity of marriages not contracted according to the requirements of Canon Law.69 So requests go to St. Ignatius for faculties to dispense from marriage impediments of consanguinity and affinity in the third and fourth degrees,70 and to absolve from reserved censures.71 But even on the interpretation of certain faculties granted in connection with marriage, different interpretations were current.72 All this goes to show that Xavier's companions were not mistaken in asking of new missionaries doctrine as well as virtue.

The Society in India

The clamor from India for more and capable missionaries did not go unheeded by St. Ignatius. He seems to have been partial to the Indian mission, so striking was his willingness to send men. Even if the number and quality of those sent in the first years did not come up to the expectations and needs,73 it may be said that the generosity, which prompted him to assign to India two of the first companions, remained undiminished during all the years of his generalate. The number of Jesuits sent out grew, from the first reconnoiterers of 1541 —Xavier and two companions—to thirty-eight priests and about thirty-three non-priests, a total of some seventy by 1556.74

Considering the needs of the nascent Society elsewhere, this figure is really considerable and speaks for Ignatius' interest in India. But he insisted too that India should do her share in recruiting new members for the Society. Actually a number of natives were admitted: by 1552 some thirty-seven, by the end of 1554 some fifty—many unfortunately did not persevere; indeed no less than thirty left.75 St. Francis Xavier, it is true, did not believe that Jesuits could be recruited from among the Indians, or even Luso-Indians; he hoped for a few from the Portuguese but mainly as lay members.76 St. Ignatius did not agree with Xavier's view, and in his answer proposes five ways of fostering vocations to the Society in India: pick out gifted boys and spend much time on their training; send them to the colleges; take the young away from any milieu where they are exposed to evil influences; multiply the number of colleges; and finally recruit from among the Portuguese.77

Xavier's companions, Criminali, Lancillotto and Berze inclined to Ignatius' views, rather than to those of Xavier.78 Actually, during Xavier's lifetime no Indians joined the Society and but a few Luso-Indians.79 Even after his death the policy was slow in changing,80 though judging from the increase in numbers, from 1553 to 1556, Ignatius' directives bore fruit: from sixty-five members, of whom nineteen were priests, the Indian Province rose to a hundred and twenty-one, of whom thirty-one priests, and thirty-four were novices.81

If growing numbers did mean a comfort and relief for the early Jesuit missionaries in India, quality and spirit were considered no less important. Their letters bear witness to their anxious desire to preserve the true spirit of, and to follow in all things the mode of action proper to the Society, and this desire was all the keener, in those first years, as their particular circumstances were so novel and they were so far from Ignatius. Their letters show their desire to be of the same stamp as the companions in Europe and to do the same apostolic work for God's greater glory. Ignatius who wished no less than they to see them genuine sons of the Society must have been pleased with this attitude. They look to Xavier, their leader and Ignatius' alter ego, for direction and guidance. They complain of his long absence from India.82 Since these cannot be helped, they ask that another capable superior, thoroughly acquainted with the spirit of the Society, be sent to India to take Xavier's place.83 Their requests are all the more justified as the temporary substitutes for the absent provincial were either appointed in an ill-defined manner, with the result that uncertainty prevailed as to the real bearer of authority, or proved incapable and unsatisfactory— with results that proved more than once most painful.84

Meanwhile the Fathers report to St. Ignatius, according to his directives, on the state of the colleges, their labors in the Portuguese settlements and in the mission of Cape Comorin, on the efforts of each of the companions, the kind and manner of their ministries, their reverses and successes.85 Of certain practices they doubt whether they are in accord with the true spirit of the Society; for instance, liturgical singing or taking Part in processions.86 They have difficulty in keeping the rule of socius, given the great scarcity of Fathers and Brothers.87 Since it is not possible to relate everything in writing and certain things cannot be written, the suggestion was made at an early date that a Father should be called to Europe to report in Rome on the whole situation by word of mouth.88 St. Ignatius, as we know, took the suggestion to heart, and directed Polanco to express his agreement. He even called Xavier himself back. He, however, had died before Ignatius dispatched the letter commanding him to return in virtue of holy obedience.89 Another Father actually went as relator to Portugal and to Rome, Father A. Fernandes, who left India early in 1553 and reached Rome in the autumn of 1554.90 Meanwhile the Fathers are most anxious and eager to receive the Constitutions as soon as possible; from the year 1550 on they ask for them and beg that a capable and competent Father come to instruct the companions in their true spirit.91 It was not until 1555 that Father de Quadros reached India with the Constitutions,92 to the great joy and consolation of all.93 The eagerly desired directives were taken to heart at once: several practices not in conformity with them were altered or omitted.94 During the period of waiting, Father G. Berze, the Vice-Provincial, had begged Ignatius for a letter to the Jesuits in the East and for an instruction for the superiors.95

This keenness of his sons in India for the true spirit of the young Society must have been a joy for St. Ignatius and a justification of his decision to make India the third province of the Society, after those of Spain and Portugal.96 This measure is another hint that he did not consider the mission on which Jesuits were sent to the East different from those in other parts of the world. And his insistence on native vocations in order to plant the Society in India,97 as also his admission of some five or six Fathers in India to the solemn profession98 —a relatively high number when the whole Society counted only forty professed Fathers99 —point in the same direction. At the present moment of the history of the Church and of the Society, when foreign and pagan missions are changing in character because of anti-colonialism, we are perhaps coming closer again to the Ignatian concept of a mission.

Fr. P. De Letter, S.J.

  • 1EX I 15, 12-13, pp. 129f.
  • 2Cf. A. Pereira, “An Incomparable Catechist”, in the Clergy Monthly 1952, 186-96, reprinted in Review for Religious 11 (1952) 282-90.
  • 3DI II 56, 40, pp. 265f, letter of December 16, 1551; other examples are Ant. Gomes and G. Berze, cf. Lancillotto, letter of 1548. DI 152, 1-2, p. 342.
  • 4DI II 118, 8, p. 582.
  • 5The origin of the college is sketched by Fr. Wicki, DI I, pp. 111-14.
  • 6EX I 16, pp. 132-36;
  • 7EX II 70, 11, pp. 12f.
  • 8V.g. Criminali, October 7, 1545, DI I 4, 2, p. 12 (ages of students from 7 to 21); Lancillotto, November 5, 1546, DI I 15, 4, p. 135 (poor teachers); of the same, October 10, 1547, DI I 24, 5, p. 185 (different opinions about age of admission of boys); Berze, January 12, 1553, Dl II 118, 24-25 (future priests in or outside the Society).
  • 9Cf. Letters of Lancillotto, December 26, 1548, DI I 61, 11, pp. 439f.; January 25,1550. DI II 7, 2, pp. 10f.; January 6, 1551, DI II 38, 4, p. 148.
  • 10Cf. Lancillotto, letter of January 6, 1551, DI II 38, 4, p. 148.
  • 11Cf. DI II 7, 2, p. 10, and Ignatius's answer DI II 46, 4, p. 187.
  • 12Cf. DI II 118, 23, pp. 592f., and Ignatius's answer DI III 25, 4, p. 97.
  • 13Cf. DI II 104, 31, p. 468: 118, 24, pp. 593f.
  • 14Cf. EX II, p. 440; DI I 59, 6, p. 415; 84, 8, pp. 521f.; also the letter of Ant de Heredia, DI II 61, 1, pp. 290f.
  • 15Cf. EX II 71, 6, p. 24; 73, 3, p. 30; DI II 8, 3, p. 16.
  • 16Cf. EX II 79, 16, p. 77.
  • 17Cf. DI I 84A, 8, pp. 562f.; II 8, 3, p. 15.
  • 18DI II 109, 11, p. 595.
  • 19DI III 61, 11, p. 307.
  • 20Cf. DI I 78, 8, p. 514.
  • 21DI I 52, 6, p. 344.
  • 22DI II 118, 24-25, pp. 593f.
  • 23DI II 64, 5, pp. 301ff.
  • 24Cf. DI III 18, 5, pp. 54f.; letter of February 14, 1554.
  • 25Cf. DI II 13, 3, p. 36; letter of March 28, 1550.
  • 26DI I 14, p. 112.
  • 27Cf. G. Schurhammer, In itineribus saepe, in the Clergy Monthly 1952, 176-80.
  • 28Cf. EX I 19, pp. 146-50.
  • 29Cf. EX I 20, 2-7, pp. 161-66. In this letter is found Xavier's famous appeal to the Doctors of the Paris university to come and preach in the East, ibid. 8, pp. 166f.
  • 30 a b Cf. above n. 25.
  • 31EX I 48, 2, pp. 273f.
  • 32EX I 64, pp. 425-35; English translation in Indian Missionary Bulletin, 1952, pp. 82-86.
  • 33 a b EX II 70, 2, pp. 5f.
  • 34Fr. Criminali has left no written report on the mission of the Fishery Coast but we know much of him and his work there from the Praises Xavier gave him, v.g., in EX II 71, 4, p. 23 or 72, 1, pp. 29f., or from letters of his successor, Fr. Henry Henriquez, v.g. DI 85, 5, 16, PP- 579 f., 586f.
  • 35Cf. DI II 38, 1, p. 145.
  • 36Cf. DI I 45, 15-18, pp. 286f.; 85, 10, pp. 581f. (Tamil grammar); *I 94, 4, p. 395.
  • 37Cf. DI III 42, 15, p. 239.
  • 38Cf. DI I 45, 16, p. 288; 85, 11, pp. 582f.
  • 39Cf. DI III 73, 8, pp. 466f.; II 64, 14-16, pp. 304f.
  • 40Cf. DI I 85, 5, p. 578.
  • 41Cf. DI I 85f 5, pp. 579f.; II 94, 2, pp. 394f.; Ill 48, 7-8, p. 238; 73,

    6, p. 416.
  • 42Cf. DI II 90, 7, pp. 382f.
  • 43Cf. DI I 45, 9-10, pp. 283f.; II 64, 2-8, pp. 302f.; Ill 42, 6, p. 238; 73,7, p. 416.
  • 44Xavier's instruction quoted above n. 75; cf, DI II 64, 9-11, p. 303; 94, 4, p. 395; III 42, 20, p. 240.
  • 45Cf. DI II 94, 13, p. 399.
  • 46DI II 94, 14, p. 399; III 73, 20, p. 421.
  • 47Cf. above nn. 37, 38.
  • 48DI III 73, 20, p. 421.
  • 49Cf. DI I 85, 6, p. 580; II 94, 12, p. 398; 64, 21, p. 307.
  • 50Cf. DI II 94, 21, p. 398; III 42, 13, p. 239.
  • 51EX I 20, 8, p. 166; 60, If, pp. 397f.; II 72, 3, p. 30.
  • 52DI III 73, 2, p. 415; cf. DI I 45, 7, p. 283; 85, 18, pp. 287f.; II 94, 18, p. 400; III 42, 8, p. 238.
  • 53DI III 42, 12, p. 239.
  • 54Cf. DI III 73, 24, p. 422; cf. Lancillotto who speaks of 25,000 apostates in Ceylon, DI III 41, 8, p. 232.
  • 55DI II 64, 24, p. 308.
  • 56DI II 118, 11, p. 583.
  • 57 a b DI III 41, 8, p. 232.
  • 58DI III 68, 2, p. 380.
  • 59EX I 16, 6, 116.
  • 60EX I 16, 5, p. 135; II 70, 3, 12, pp. 6 and 13.
  • 61DI I 45, 7, p. 283; 85, 18, pp. 587f.; II 55, 3, pp. 342f.; 94, 18, p. 400; 118, 22, pp. 591f.
  • 62EX I 47, 2, p. 258; II 71, 3, p. 23; cf. Wicki, DI I 27*-29*.
  • 63DI I 4, 7, p. 19.
  • 64DI I 15, 11 and 15, pp. 139, 144; 24, 3, p. 184; II 7, 5, p. 12; 18, 6, p. 19; 34, 5, p. 127; 90, 2, p. 379.
  • 65DI II 55, 7, p. 244; 56, 41, p. 266; 118, 22, pp. 591f.
  • 66DI II 2, 2, p. 5.
  • 67Cf. above n. 12;'
  • 68Cf. DI II 1, 2, pp. 2f.; 34, 7, p. 130.
  • 69Ibid. p. 3.
  • 70DI II 8, 7, p. 19; 64, 25, p. 308; 94, 20, p. 400; III 73, 18, p. 420.
  • 71DI II 7, 3, p. 11; 34, 9, p. 131.
  • 72Cf. Henriquez, DI III 42, 22-24, pp. 261f.
  • 73Cf. Wicki, DI I, 32*.
  • 74Cf. Granero, op.cit. who lists 71 (pp. 216-20) and Wicki who counts 69, DI I 29*f, II 6*f, III 4*.
  • 75Cf. EX II, p. 324 n. 3; DI II, 9*; II III, 7*.
  • 76Cf EX II 70, 6, p. 8; also J. Wicki, “Franz Xavers Stellung zur Heranbildung des einheimischen Klerus in Orient”, in Studia Missiona lia 5 (1949) 93-113.
  • 77DI I 78, 8, pp. 512ff.
  • 78Cf. DI I 4, 11, p. 22 (Criminali); 15, 15, pp. 144 (Lancillotto); II 42, 2, p. 2 (Gomes); 118, 24, pp. 592f (Berze).
  • 79Cf. DI I, 25*.
  • 80Cf. EX II, p. 8 n. 9.
  • 81Cf. above n. 5.
  • 82Cf. v.g. Lancillotto, DI I 15, 13, p. 141; Berze, II, 55, 3, p. 243; Henriquez, III 73, 27, p. 424.
  • 83Cf. Lancillotto, I 15, 2, p. 53; II 7, 5, p. 12; Miron III 18, 2, p. 53; Nunes Barreto III 30, 10, pp. 126f.
  • 84Cf. Wicki DI I, 37*; II pp. 10-12*.
  • 85Cf. v.g. Henriquez, I 45, 1, 27, pp. 279, 298; A. Gomes, I 81, 3-10, pp. 519-23; Henriquez I 85, 12, 15, pp. 583, 586; Lancillotto, II 8, 3, pp. 15ff; II 39, 2-10, pp. 151-53; A. Gomes II 42, 4-5, pp. 177-79; Berze, II 118, 3-16, pp. 681-87; Lancillotto, III 40, 13-19, pp. 225-27.
  • 86DI I 4, 9, pp. 20f.; 15, 14, pp. 142f.
  • 87Cf. Xavier EX I 60, 2, pp. 398f.; Lancillotto, DI I 61, 8, p. 438; cf. DI I p. 242 n. 4.
  • 88Cf. Lancillotto, I 15, 13, p. 141 (year 1546); again 61, 6, p. 437; II 35, 1, p. 132; 58, 4, p. 275; 90, 3, p. 379—On this office of ‘relator’ cf. Wicki, DI II, pp. 376f.
  • 89Polanco DI I 26, 21, p. 191; 30, 2, pp. 206f,; cf. DI III 1, 2, p. 2 (order to Xavier); 2, 2, p. 6.
  • 9013DI III, 12*f.6
  • 91DI II 35, 2, p. 133; 41, 6, pp. 173f.; Ill 18,2, p. 53 (Miron).
  • 92DI III, 8*.
  • 93DI III 67, 17, p. 377; 68, 5, p. 381; 71, 7, p. 405.
  • 94DI III 8*; 101. 12-14, pp. 616-18.
  • 95DI II 118, 31, p. 599 (year 1553).
  • 96C. above n. 4.
  • 97Cf. above n. 123; and further DI III 14, 8, p. 44; 61, 14, 21, pp. 308, 310.
  • 98DI III 4, 3, p. 11.
  • 99Synopsis Historiae Societatis Iesu, ed. 1950, 34.